On the 18th September 2014,
Scotland became an independent country. Later that day, as the votes were
counted and when the “No” vote won the Scottish Referendum, Scotland returned
to the 307 year old union with England, Northern Ireland and Wales. However,
for a short period at least, it was independent.
I decided to write a little on this
subject, because here in Asia this historic occasion perhaps didn’t receive
full coverage – for reasons which I will let you speculate on privately. Very
few people I have met in Malaysia were, for instance, aware of the process, the
ramifications of the referendum and how it acted as a kind of bell-weather for
many of the issues that we are grappling with globally as our societies become
increasingly, paradoxically connected and disconnected.
For me, it was a fascinating process to
watch, albeit from afar. Issues of identity, culture, devolution and
globalization, along with of course history and nationalism, were played out on
a grand scale, where the stakes couldn’t be higher. The question in the
referendum was amazingly simple: “Should Scotland become an independent
country?” The voters – resident Scots, were given a simple ‘yes’ or ‘no’ answer
to decide their own fate.
This already created an interesting linguistic
dynamic to the campaign. I think it is harder to lobby for a negative – a “no” – than for a “yes”. You are turning something down, unsure of what you may be
missing out on. So this infused the ‘yes’ and ‘no’ campaigns with a different
sense of energy. The ‘yes’ campaign painted a picture of a liberated,
autonomous Scotland, a kind of Scandinavian, nuclear-free liberal paradise.
They were ‘selling’ if you will, a dream of something new and better. I would
argue the ‘no’ camp had a much more difficult task: to persuade Scotland that
the country was - in their campaign rhetoric - “better together” in the Union. Through clever
use of this phrase, plus framing their no vote as a vote for change as well
(albeit less radical than a yes vote) the no campaign won out in the end. But
it was close (54% to 46%).
Think about the ramifications if the ‘yes’
vote had won – of course a new country would have been born with all the fiscal
and political issues this would have created. More trivial, but important on a
symbolic level the Union Jack flag, the iconic symbol of Britishness (and amazing
piece of design in its own right - http://www.know-britain.com/general/union_jack.html) would have been no more. Passports would have
been redesigned. Truly a shocking thought for a Britain that a hundred years
ago had an empire upon which “the sun never set”.
Having lived in Kuala Lumpur for the last 4
years, I have witnessed a level of energy and engagement with politics that I
had never seen in the UK. As the various pressures and valves and gears in
Malaysian politics grind forwards, movements like Bersih (the electoral reform
movement) and the fact that the opposition won the popular vote in the last
election have pulled in a sector of the urban young to take part in the
political sphere. In the UK, the level of disengagement with the political
class, their language and the sense that any meaningful change would actually happen,
is significant.
A Scottish referendum turnout of 84.5% is
testament to how giving people a say in the big decisions can re-engage them
with the political process. It is something we would of course never see in
Asia, sadly, this mass engagement in a truly democratic process - at least in the near future, despite the
changes and progress we see in places like Myanmar and here in KL.
Part of the problem with UK politics of old,
is the language and connection with the people. Complex problems and processes
are not subjected to the rigorous communications process that happens – for
example – out of competitive necessity in the corporate world. Apple makes
hugely complex machines, but it works just as hard to make them simple to use.
The political world has rarely such pressure to communicate simply and clearly
to a broad audience. The Scottish referendum, by its black and white nature,
forced a different type of debate and dialogue that electrified the country,
all for the better. I was proud to see British democracy leading and setting
such an example.
So what has this to do with branding? Well
on one level, ‘brand Britain’ has survived, just, from a close brush with death.
It shows that even the most established brands must evolve and move with the
times to remain relevant. I had always thought of “Britishness” to be a fixed
concept – something set in concrete and “timeless” – like red double-decker
buses, HP Sauce and Shakespeare. Of course it is not. And for a few months at
least, many of us Brits had to consider what Britishness would consist of in a
Disunited Kingdom. Certainly it will never be the same.
And so with brands. The biggest and
strongest brands must adapt. New products, new audiences, old audiences buying
new products. What is the core, the sense of self and how can this flex –
‘freedom in a brand framework’ – across the different areas and developments of
the business. A truly great brand knows
itself and is confident enough to do this successfully.
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